Product Description

Slobodan Milosevic died in prison in 2005 while on trial at the Hague for war crimes. John Laughland was one of the last Western journalists to meet Milosevic. He followed the trial from the beginning and wrote extensively on it, challenging its legitimacy and its implications for international justice in newspapers such as the "Guardian". In this short and readable book, Laughland analyses the trial in full, from its inception to its deeply unsatisfactory conclusion. International justice is meant to be a safeguard through which war criminals can be brought to account. However the trial of Milosovic and also the trial of Saddam Hussein raise many questions about the way that this justice is being administered. What are the implications of a 'morality-driven' justice for us all? Laughland argues that the trials are little more than a PR exercise for leading Western countries, offering no justice and no safeguard against future crimes.

Product Details

• Amazon Sales Rank: #220351 in Books
• Published on: 2006-12-08
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Binding: Paperback
• 232 pages

Ramsey Clark, from the Foreword
"In John we have a man with the freedom to seek all facts, and the
desire to find the truth.'"

About the Author
John Laughland is the author of three previous books: The Death of Politics (1994), The Tainted Source (1997) and Le tribunal penal international (2003). He is currently working on A History of Political Trials from Charles I to Saddam Hussein and on a book about the 19th century German philosopher, Schelling, while his Israel on Israel (co-edited with Michel Korinman) is due out this autumn. He is a regular contributor to the Spectator, the Guardian and the

Customer Reviews

Fascinating account of a show trial
John Laughland, author of The tainted source: undemocratic origins of the European Union, has written a brilliant denunciation of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).

After the counter-revolutions in the Soviet Union and Eastern European, Yugoslavia stayed independent and unwilling to join NATO or the EU. So the USA, Britain and Germany acted to carve Yugoslavia into easily controlled devolved regional statelets. The Yugoslav leadership tried to keep their country independent and united, and to defeat the terrorist secessionists.

So the NATO powers demonised the Yugoslav leadership: Blair lied about Serbian `racial genocide' of Kosovans, but after the war the Chief Prosecutor of the ICTY reported that 2,108 bodies had been found, not enough to constitute genocide.

The NATO powers made the UN Security Council set up the ICTY "for the sole purpose of prosecuting persons responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia" (Resolution 827, 25 May 1993). Not `allegedly responsible', but `responsible', assuming all defendants' guilt. Laughland notes that the United Nations Charter grants no power to the Security Council to create a criminal court.

On 24 March 1999, US and British forces started bombing Yugoslavia, without UN authorisation, an illegal aggression. At the height of NATO's assault, on 27 May 1999, the ICTY issued its indictment of Slobodan Miloseviæ for war crimes and crimes against humanity. In February 2002, it started the first criminal trial by an international tribunal of a head of state. The Court's rules and procedures were stacked against the defendant. The four-year trial, the longest criminal trial in history, paraded hundreds of prosecution witnesses, in an unavailing effort to prove Miloseviæ guilty.

During the trial, Miloseviæ became ill. Sick men are not usually tried, but the Court continued the trial and refused Miloseviæ suitable medical treatment, the Prosecution alleging that he was feigning illness. Instead, the Court used his illness as an excuse to take the unprecedented, and therefore illegal, decision to impose a defence lawyer on Miloseviæ, stopping him from defending himself. The trial ended when he died prematurely on 11 March 2006, aged only 64. Did he feign his death too?

NATO claims the right to intervene to `defend human rights' and to respond to `threats', including `ethnic and religious rivalries, territorial disputes, inadequate or failed efforts at reform ... the dissolution of state ... acts of terrorism ... the disruption of the flow of vital resources'. Of course, all these claims are illegal under international law, whose cornerstone is national sovereignty.

The NATO powers, not Slobodan Miloseviæ, committed a war crime by attacking a sovereign country. NATO and its creature Court held a show trial to cover their guilt.