Product Description

The gripping inside story of the complex and ambitious Chancellor of the Exchequer's time in power. Gordon Brown's arrival at the Treasury in May 1997 was greeted by a stampede--officials of every rank spontaneously rushed to the door to cheer the new incumbent, excited about the change. As Master of the New Era, Brown created a matrix of relationships across every Whitehall department, and extended his influence to every aspect of government activity. He has been behind the most important budgetary decisions of the past decade: the commitment to Private Finance Initiative, which would affect infrastructure from the London Underground to the NHS to state schools; the management of the Inland Revenue; the increase in taxes; and the demise of Britain's pension funds. Seven years after his arrival at the most powerful department at Whitehall, Brown is now a contender to be the next leader of the Labour Party, but despite extensive newspaper coverage of his activities, his personal agenda has not yet been investigated and described. In this gripping biography of the Chancellor, Tom Bower--author of the best-selling Broken Dreams--documents the rise to power of a driven and complex politician, exposing conflicts within the government and exploring how the repercussions of Brown's ambitions will affect the country for decades to come.

Product Details

• Amazon Sales Rank: #72450 in Books
• Published on: 2004-10-04
• Format: Illustrated
• Original language: English
• Binding: Hardcover
• 492 pages

Evening Standard
'compulsively readable...essential reading for understanding a puzzling but complex man'

The Times
'Bower is a formidable biographer...a powerful book.'

Financial Times
'fascinating insight'

Customer Reviews

Very readable, but unfulfilling
Buy this book if, like me, you are interested in the career of this deep, intriguing man, especially his recent career. I have never been one to particularly enjoy reading in depth analyses of a subject's upbringing and childhood and wasn't disappointed that Bower has this done and dusted in the first chapter. If this is your bag then I would recommend The Rivals by James Naughtie.

I enjoyed the book but found Bower's style somewhat unsatisfying. I found this also with Broken Dreams but put that down his not being a his audience with lots of supporting information but so bluntly and to such excess that I can't help (in both their cases) questioning the accuracy of what is presented. In this case the case put forward is damning, in fact it's too damning and one sided. With the personality flaws and career failures listed by Bower I wonder how Brown ever became the second most powerful man in the country (and in some cases the most powerful). I also found his conclusion unsatisfactory. Almost an afterthought with no arguments given in the preceding chapters to really support his assertion about Brown and the leadership.

In short, a good read but left me feeling unsatisfied. Probably worth waiting for the paperback.

Brown - flawed and fortunate
This was not a well-crafted book in terms of the writing style. It also seems irritatingly repetitive at regular intervals. On the other hand it paints a compelling portrait of a driven but flawed man. Disturbingly, it illustrates his persistent refusal to listen to unwelcome opinions, his obsessiveness with targets as a management tool, and his unwillingness and inability to carry colleagues with him rather than dictating to them.

The book does a good job of showing how fortunate Brown has been in being able to present himself as prudent whilst, at the same time, following an increasingly reckless approach to the public finances against a backdrop of falling underlying revenues - a contrast beautifully finessed by his management of the press in an environment made favourable by the Iraqi "misfortunes" of Blair and others.

Puzzlingly, the book fails to comment much on why it is that Brown has no apparent interest in other Cabinet roles - though his ability to control from the Treasury via budgets may be a factor.

Overall the picture is of a dictatorial control freak who would be a disaster as a Prime Minister. This book is a must-read for those contemplating the forthcoming election, as Brown appears sure that Blair will resign in late 2006 and leave him to take over.

BROWN STUDY
It is nothing unusual for a modern British prime minister to be surrounded by jealous and manipulative rivals who are after his (or in the most striking instance her) job. The post is not, strictly speaking, a directly elected one like president of the United States or president of France. Following a general election, or occasionally the departure of the incumbent from office, the monarch summons the leader of the party with a majority in the Commons, or failing that the leader of another party that looks possibly able to form a government, and asks him or her to do so. Established practice in the matter is clear and always adhered to, but in the last resort it is a matter of convention not of statute.

So the trick is to become leader of the right party. Throughout the 20th century the dominant party was the Conservative party, which has a record of deposing its leaders worthy of imperial Rome. Since 1997 there now seems to be at least a serious possibility that it has lost its hegemony, and Labour has not had enough time in office through the mere 100 years of its existence for generalisations in this respect to be made with any confidence. The old Labour party was factious and fractious but never in the end did the deed. With Blair's electorally-dominant 'New' Labour I think we are waiting to see what happens this time. Blair effectively stole a march on Gordon Brown for the leadership, but there was apparently some sort of deal, or understanding at least, between them that he would, or might, or could possibly, hand over the premiership to Brown. What this deal amounted to depends on who you listen to. What is perfectly clear is that the current governance of Britain is characterised by intense partisan infighting between the two and their respective votaries. I'm quite sure it all loses nothing in the telling by the all-pervasive political commentators, but I'm just as sure that they are not inventing it. At a recent meeting of the parliamentary Labour party the mildest and most docile members lost patience and told the pair of them with scant respect or civility to stop the whole nonsense.

For this the upstarts deserve our thanks in more ways than one. In particular even those who routinely follow politics with some interest are suffering a severe overload of obsessional garrulity from the pundits, and I would personally attribute declining popular interest in political issues not least to that. This particular book is still warm off the presses and you can obtain it at remaindered prices already. I gather there are others on the same topic, and some are allegedly 'better', but for anyone whose tolerance stretches to one only this one will do not badly at the right price. The book sketches in Brown's background and makes a half-hearted attempt at explaining some facets of his personality on this basis. I imagine any reader's guess in that respect is as good as the author's. Here is a man with a compulsion to dominate but severely lacking in self-confidence, a man who wants the most public office in the land but who is secretive in a most peculiar way - attempts at finding anything embarrassing in sexual respects have come up with nothing and I would guess that the secretiveness is more a matter of hiding possible failures than anything of that sort. Where the book reads convincingly is in presenting a coherent picture of its subject. Whether the coherency has been purchased at some cost in over-simplification I couldn't say, but I should think almost certainly. The style is literate and easy to read despite some signs of haste, and the writer is clearly well informed. I would not expect him to give clues as to his sources in many cases, but he could have raised this book to another level entirely if he had marshalled his arguments more systematically. The book is replete with accounts of meetings that Mr Bower was not present at, and it regularly attributes thoughts, reactions and motivations to Brown that even his inmost coterie would have had to conjecture. What I would have liked Mr Bower to do would have been to show the basis and development of his own reasoning, how he weighs up this or that statement or piece of behaviour, and what differing degrees of confidence he has in coming to various conclusions. Presenting it all as fact detracts from the interest of the book as an analysis. Also the general picture begins to seem odd after a while. Throughout the book Blair is depicted almost entirely as giving way to Brown, and I would need some convincing of that. Another aspect that is partly welcome and partly unsatisfactory is the detail given of Brown's economic management. If there were quite as many gross errors as there seem to have been then he has been extremely lucky - by comparative standards, which are all we've got, this government has contrived to seem more competent than most in that respect.

The picture I ended with is of a man I wouldn't want as prime minister in his current frame of mind, seething with frustrations, harbouring obsessive grudges and full of unresolved contradictions. Whether achieving his final goal would exorcise some of these phantoms I can't tell, but my guess is that Blair has decided to block him if he can, as 50 years ago Attlee made sure he blocked Morrison.