Product Description

The first book in the acclaimed Pride & Fall sequence on British power in the 20th century This book explains the decay of British power bewtween 1918 and 1940 and its final collapse between 1940 and 1945. Some have sought to expalin this ineptitude, particularly between the two world wars, by citing the tremendous costs of the First World War in both treasure and manpower. Not so, says Corelli Barnett, who ruthlessly identifies the root causes which reduced Britain eventually to a satellite of the USA. Ranging over 100 years, drawing together arguments from many spheres - education and industry, diplomatic and imperial history, Cabinet papers and the Press - it is as fascinating to read as it is significant.

Product Details

• Amazon Sales Rank: #938087 in Books
• Published on: 2002-09-20
• Original language: English
• Binding: Paperback
• 688 pages

About the Author
Corelli Barnett is a distinguished author and historian, having written three acclaimed works of military history before the immense and highly praised earlier books in the Pride and Fall sequence. From 1977 to 1995 he was keeper of the Churchill Archives Centre, Cambridge and remains a fellow of Churchill College. The recipient of numerous awards, he has been awarded the Royal United Services Institute for Defence Studies Chesney Gold Medal for services to military history; the degree of Doctor of Science (Honoris Causa) from Cranfield University and most recently the C.B.E.

Customer Reviews

Decline was not inevitable � there was a choice
The first volume of what became known as The Pride and the Fall sequence is an outstanding study of the decay of British power, military, financial and industrial, between 1918 and 1940. The power of this book is Barnett's passionate belief, supported by detailed historical records, that this decline was not inevitable but arose as a result of a collective failure by the governing elite to face up to reality and to have the strength of will to make those choices which would have prevented Great Britain's rapid decline from First World War victor to United States pensioner in only 20 years.

Barnett uses his grasp of the primary material to demonstrate that the technological, economic, military and political causes of Great Britain's desperate plight in 1941, that evaporation of power resulting in the wealthiest nation in the world in 1918 being unable to wage war out of its own resources and on its own terms, arose out a mutation of the values of the governing elite. For during this period, in place of the pioneering and hard nosed men who had built the nation's wealth through its industrial revolution and trade based empire and who put their country first, came to maturity and positions of power a very different elite. Typically of liberal disposition, non-conformist religion, arts educated and steeped in faux chivalry of the public school, they came to believe that the League of Nations and disarmament could ensure world peace, that Germany's resentments and ambitions could be appeased by good will and ever more supine demonstrations of capitulation and that the sacrifices of the First World War had been in vain - this a final breaking of the nation's collective nerve with dire consequences in the mid 1930s when facing a Germany whose commander in chief had said as early as 1921 that "the sabre must always be kept sharp".

There were warning voices - the Cabinet Secretary, Sir Maurice Hankey, for one who pointed out the disaster which would befall the country in the League of Nations was relied on in place of adequate national defence - whose predictions proved to be all to accurate, but they were ignored. When Chamberlain finally stood up to Hitler over Poland it was too late - 20 years of neglect meant that the nation was powerless, powerless to field an army, without a Royal Navy worthy of the name, an aircraft industry little more than cottage based years behind its competitors, and with an industrial base so decrepit that basic equipment, across the whole range of manufactured goods from ammunitions to pressure gauges, had to be imported.

And yet, at the outbreak of the First World War, the nation had been given a second chance. Then, although its industry had long been loosing ground to Germany and the United States, by a supreme effort of modernization industry was by 1918 well placed for the future. Despite the later claims, the losses to Great Britain in men and material were much less, both absolutely and relatively, than France or Germany. But, alas no sooner was peace declared than the old habits returned.

A review cannot do adequate justice to this excellent book which, in addition to its other attributes, provides a chilling history of the reality of appeasement.

Both a good educational and a good read.
I will not repeat what other have said but simply add my comments.

The four works in this series is an exceedingly thorough review of what went on in the British military-industrial economy in the period 1918-1956.

The works great strength is the thoroughness. The 4 books (The Collapse of British Power, The Audit of War, The Lost Victory, The Verdict of Peace) run to well over 2000 pages. Packed with detail and analysis. But the work is never for a moment dull. The crisp, lucid prose carries the reader comfortably along.
The author displays very considerable literary gifts in being able to make otherwise dry and repetitious material very readable.

The work displays a marked fascist / statist bias throughout. The authors own feelings on the subject of liberal education are much, much repeated.
But significantly, the authors personal biases in no way limits his criticisms, which are levied at all and sundry with a wealth of detail in countless examples. None are exempt. Very few non-fiction authors, especially those with an ideological affliction, can make such a claim.

However, this does lead to some obvious contradictions in the work. The author describes numerous instances of government failure and incompetence, and all the while calling for more government intervention and control.
Since the work is essentially a forensic examination, and its thoroughness is not affected, this bias can be dismissed as inconsequential.

I would strongly recommend this work to anyone who have a serious interest in British history of this period, General economic history, Industrial and economic development and the links between Industrial, political and military power.
For any British politician claiming national stature, these 4 books should be regarded as required reading.