Product Description

Fundamentalist terror movements are seen as reversions to medievalism, backlashes against a way of life that is the same everywhere. This view is a mirage. Thinking of modernity as a universal condition is a hindrance to understanding the present. Gray goes back to the origins of our notion of modernity in early nineteenth-century Positivism. Many economists imbibed their view that every society goes through the same developmental phases. Gray argues that September 11th destroyed the idea of globalisation as the sole pathway to modernity. He considers the role of the global free market, the pretensions of economics, the metamorphosis of war and the prospects of an American empire.

Product Details

• Amazon Sales Rank: #151689 in Books
• Published on: 2007-04-19
• Original language: English
• Binding: Paperback
• 160 pages

Customer Reviews

It's a Real Pain to be Modern
Arizona Sen. John McCain has a quality that is sadly lacking in the current Bush administration; he is willing to listen to 'Old Europe' with respect, even though he bluntly disagrees with many of its positions.

This is the central theme of this book; if America cannot dominate the entire world, it is wise to listen to others with respect. Instead, Gray says Bush's ambition "to reshape the Middle East comes from the Christian fundamentalist belief that a major conflagration will fulfill biblical prophecies of a catastrophic conflict in the region. To the extent that it reflects this type of thinking, American foreign policy is itself fundamentalist."

Gray directly challenges a modern American myth that "Western societies are governed by the belief that modernity is a single condition, everywhere the same and always benign." Instead, he says modernity also produces organizations such as al Qaeda, and thus if we are to defeat modern terrorism we must recognize it as a fully modern development. No one would accuse Bush of being a throwback to the Puritans; likewise, al Qaeda is not a throwback to the Middle Ages or some earlier time.

The difficulty, Gray writes, is ". . . many Americans believe that all human beings are American under the skin. On the other hand, they have long viewed the world -- especially the Old World of Europe -- as corrupt, possibly beyond redemption." Thus, the ideal expressed by President Woodrow Wilson of exporting American ideas to Europe after World War I, and the subsequent isolationism of Republicans in Congress which lasted until Dec. 7, 1941.

How valid is this? Well, Wilson sent the US Marines to Haiti with the gift of democracy in 1915; US forces stayed until 1934, providing Haiti with its most prosperous and peaceful era of the past century. After the Marines came home, Haiti collapsed into chaos and then a tyranny which lasted until 1986. President Bill Clinton sent US forces to Haiti in 1994, then pulled them out six months later. The success of America's long effort at "nation building" is reflected in today's ongoing headlines of Haitian horror.

We live in a world of chaos. As long ago as Euripides, it was recognized that knowledge cannot undo fate and virtue gives no protection against disaster. Gray urges that we return to these values, and thus understand the complexity, diversity and tolerance of life. But he adds, "Though we can imagine such a world, it is hard to imagine anything resembling it coming about by design. The proselytising fury of faith -- religious and secular -- forbids any peaceful evolution.

He says, "The most that humans can do is to be brave and resourceful, and expect to achieve little. Very likely we cannot revive this pagan view of things; but perhaps we can learn from it how to limit our hopes."

It's a grim view of the future, something almost out of 'Brave New World.' Unfortunately, he supports his pessimism with clear, logical and frightening logic; in short, science gives us wonderful rewards at the cost of our souls. It's not a new idea; but, like the best of the science which he deplores, Gray thoroughly modernizes the old Faustian legend.

It's a somber view of the future. Interesting, and fascinating, if true. This book will give any reader a lot to think about.

Good book, but not really about Al Qaeda at all
I learned a lot about the evolution of "modern" thought but very little about Al Qaeda.

This is a great little book, easily downed in a day, but rewarding on re-reading too. Gray gently but devastatingly savages Capitalism, Communism, Globalisation, Radical Islam, Scientific Progress and the American Way, leaving liberals, nationalists, fascists, fundamentalists and many more scattered and bleeding. None of the fatuous histrionics of a Michael Moore (no CAPITALS and exclamation marks!!!!!), but in many ways a much more subversive writer. I was left with lots of new questions about the way we are, and how we came to be here. The author has a pleasing style that makes the work readable, but it's still quite a rigorous tour of politics and thought since the Enlightenment and the inter-connections of apparently opposed movements. If there is a disappointment it may be that Al Qaeda makes so few appearences until near the end of the book, despite top billing in the title. Gray sees bin Laden as a man of our own era, not a throwback to some golden age of Islam, and almost seems to dismiss Al Qaeda as just another (failing) part of the modern political system. If anything, science and technology seem to be the bad guys, fostering illusions that the modern era is different to the past.

This book will make you think, and want to know more.

Modern horrors
Is the title of this book misleading? Clearly the emphasis of the book is on 'what it means to be modern' and 'Al Qaeda' is only used sparingly (but in my opinion very tellingly) to illustrate the main thesis. Thats not to say the title wont shift more copies with Al Qaeda in there, but if you're an intelligent and open-minded reader then you should come away from this book having been presented with a novel perspective on the modern world and having learnt something new, or at least a new argument, about the underlying nature and rational of a truly modern and global terrorist movement. Gray spends a lot of time arguing that Islamism is a product of a way of thinking that did not exist pre-enlightenment, and it seems most reviewers are focusing on this part of the argument. But to me, the more interesting (and convincing) arguments here concern al qaeda's existance as a product not only of modern thinking but of globablisation ie their ability to exploit failed states, global communications such as the internet, and of the global movement of people, money and arms. Thus the meaning of al qaeda is placed within the framework of the world view presented in 'straw dogs', rather than technology and globablisation marching the world forwards into an era of democracy and peace, they will simply continue history along its usual course of conflict and suffering, only still more bloody.